Ideas and Ideals

The article presents a philosophical and psychological analysis of the psychodynamics of deceit, as a specific phenomenon determined by personal qualities. The results of the study are presented on the basis of a questionnaire developed by the authors to self-evaluate the admissibility of a lie. Students of both sexes participated (156 people between the age of 17-25). Three groups of subjects were identified, 30 people in each: group 1, with a negative attitude to lies; group 2: people who admit to lying in some cases, and group 3: people who admit to lying in all its manifestations. Personality factors in these groups were compared using the Kattel 16 PF questionnaire. People with different permissibility of lying and falsehood have different psychotypes. People who categorically deny and do not tolerate lies and deceit have high self-control of their behavior, severity and rigidity, while they are internally timid, aloof, tense, overly careful, avoid stress, and have a narrow life perspective. A person who admits falsehood in some cases and situations is conformal, dependent, not always confident in himself, often preoccupied with problems, emotionally unstable, often tense. There is a struggle between conscientiousness and falsehood; provoked by emotional instability and the lack of a “moral core” that does not allow the expression of one’s own opinion. Respondents representing the openly deceitful type reveal emotional balance, flexible intelligence, sociability, good memory and variable creative thinking. In the selected groups, there are different ways of resisting stress. It is shown that the adaptability of people from group 3 is higher than that of people from 1 and 2. The permissibility of lying is positively correlated with resilience to stress, and the inadmissibility of lying is associated with low stress tolerance. It follows from this that falsehood is embedded in the structure of the personality as an adaptive strategy. The authors state that falsehood is an adaptive phenomenon that facilitates survival in society.

The article is devoted to the image of a woman constructed by the government discourse in the early Soviet period. The government’s propaganda imposed the social role of a woman as a social controller in addition to the social role of a worker, a social activist and a mother. In particular, this study is dedicated to the transformation of a female image in the anti-alcohol policy. The author uses content analysis investigating this complex image and the ways of its reflection in the mass literature. The sources of the study were articles showing the editorial Board ideas and “the reader’s letters” published in the “Rabotnitsa” magazine dated from 1925 to 1936, the articles from “Revolution and Culture” magazine dated from 1928 to 1930 and the propaganda brochures.

The study showed that soviet propaganda began to change their messages recipients during realization of “cultural alcohol-drinking program”. This anti-alcohol propaganda turned its attention from the men’s to the women’s audience. The anti-alcohol articles’ characters appeared as innocent victims of their alcoholic husbands. But at the same time the propaganda stressed the idea that women had great potential to fight against alcoholism. Gradually, the woman’s image began to acquire more and more positive features. Often female fates stories evoked compassion and pity or even admiration. Along with this tendency their husbands’ images turned more and more pathetic, helpless and infantile.

The governmental discourse of the 30-s strived to transfer the family responsibility and social control to women considering them to be a reliable support for the propaganda projects implementation. Consequently, the constructed working and mothering woman’s image was enriched with socio-educational and socio-regulating functions. Thus, anti-alcohol propaganda caused the change of the previously existing gender order when a man played a dominant role in a family and put a woman to the priority position implying that she is more conscious than a man.

The 2020 presidential campaign of the Democratic party surprised both voters and analysts by setting new precedents and showcasing innovations in the art of political campaigning. Several different approaches to the organization of ground game (GG) were used in the campaign. This article aims to describe and analyze the main trends, strategies, and technologies of GG in presidential elections in the last twenty years with the aim of better understanding what is happening in the current one. It also details the main reasons why the attention to GG in presidential campaigns has significantly increased in the last few years: further polarization and even balance of political views in the country, an increase in the number of "independents" with the simultaneous decrease of party membership and influence, the emergence of multiple powerful players: interest groups, social movements and "shadow" (unofficial) parties. All these trends turned the recent presidential campaigns into a ground war in the competitive states and districts. The article deals with the innovations in organization of GG which have taken place in the period from George W. Bush's campaign all the way to Mike Bloomberg's recent attempt to enter the democratic race: multilayered marketing, microtargeting, phone bank programs, distributed or big organizing, philanthropy networking, etc. The main focus is on the organizational structure of GG and the methods of putting together a campaign coalition. The article describes the four basic organizational models of GG: a party infrastructure, a hierarchical network of social organizers, a campaign arranged as a social movement, buying support through sponsorship and philanthropy work. These models are not mutually exclusive. The 2020 primaries are analyzed with the help of these models. The article explains why and how one of the least promising candidates, Biden, became the presumptive nominee of the Democratic party.  Our analysis of failed attempts to replicate the pervious campaigns also allows us to make a confident prediction that, if Biden’s compaign will be made in the mold of 2012 Obama campaign, it will not be successful.

The article deals with the social and socio-political processes taking place in Central Asia. The new understanding of social solidarity in the traditional Eastern society and the emerging transition to the model of national statehood of Uzbekistan based on the principles of interaction with civil society are discussed. The problem is that social solidarity in the modern era of democratic freedoms is built in the context of finding a balance between the need to strengthen the national state and the natural process of development of civil society, but for the Eastern States this “balance” has always had its own specifics. The aim of the study is to analyze the opportunities and barriers of social and socio-political processes based on the appeal to solidarity as a social mechanism that allows effective integration of society. At the same time, there is a political and ideological component of social solidarity, which is often used as a slogan. The authors analyze the factors and conditions of social solidarity development. Social solidarity itself is interpreted as a factor in the development of national statehood. At the same time, Uzbekistan is increasingly becoming the initiator of unification and solidarity of states and societies throughout Central Asia and the East. On the basis of the conducted interview data, the authors present the assessment of social changes by the expert community, and show how the intelligentsia accepts the concept of solidarity. Social solidarity, from the point of view of the intelligentsia, will allow: to reduce social tension in the multicultural/multi-ethnic Uzbek society, with the territorial designation of the borders remaining from the Soviet era, as well as the remaining clan system; it will lead to the growth of civil society institutions: non-profit, non-governmental organizations, and, accordingly, it will reduce the role of power structures. Finally, it will benefit the socio-psychological atmosphere in the society, support positive social attitudes. The authors have come to the conclusion, that there is a new scientific problem related to the search for criteria of social solidarity (or the state of the process), and the need to conduct a survey of public opinion, to understand what different social groups think on this issue.

The article considers the problem of modern terrorism, which has been attracting the attention of researchers for several decades. Despite the worldwide actualization of this issue, the number of terrorist attacks is becoming more and more every day. The failure of counter-terrorism activities rests, first of all, in misunderstanding of the essence of this social phenomenon.The usual estimation of different sorts of actions in terms of “good” or “bad” distracts researchers from understanding the deeper causes of the origin of this phenomenon. The author pays special attention to the fact that terrorism, in its basis, is a complex phenomenon, which includes the elements of other events close to it. The paper provides a comprehensive interdisciplinary analysis of terrorism, which allows to identify its various aspects as well as to show the interrelation between them (violence, fear, etc.). The author also draws an analogy between terrorism and such phenomena as terror, war and extremism. This interdisciplinary analysis allowed to expand the understanding of this “violence of the XXI century” without demonizing its main actors. The paper draws special attention to the problem of mutual influence of the mass media system and terrorist organizations. Is it possible for terrorism to exist outside the media? This issue affects a huge layer of modern problems: from the journalism ethics to the legitimacy of restrictions in the use of the Internet. The answers to these questions will help us to look at terrorism not just as a negative phenomenon of modernity, but as a self-regulating social symbolic space existing in the context of globalization.

The paper continues the author's series of publications on the history of colonization and development of Siberia and analysis of its current socio-economic situation and development prospects. The author reveals the influence of institutions on the dynamics of demographic and socio-economic processes. Having compared the development of Siberia and Canada in the long-term retrospective, the author shows how formal governance institutions influence on the population migration and success of socio-economic development in these countries. The processes of development and colonization in Siberia and Canada observed in the early twentieth century were mostly determined by natural resource factors and their economic and geographical location. This is why these processes took place on a parallel track. Siberia was a leader in the speed of colonization, especially in agricultural development of the territory, since it had an overland route and fewer alternatives for migration. In the twentieth century the development models of these mega-regions varied, and this has affected all aspects of their life. The development of natural resources in Siberia in the time of the Soviet Union went through several stages, some of which were accompanied by a sharp drop in living standards and resulted in human losses. The periods of the forced industrial development were followed by periods of stagnation and out migration. The specifics of the Siberian institutional and governance patterns have repeatedly led to the centralization and monopolization of its economy. In the post-soviet time this resulted in a spot character of the development of natural resources and in the strengthened raw material specialization of Siberia. Such a model of development of Russia and organization of its budget have brought negative demographic consequences and stagnation of domestic market in this megaregion. These challenges are advisable to be considered in forming development programs for Siberia and its parts.

The problem of self-identification of small ethnic groups are becoming more threatening because of the importance of globalization processes. All small ethnic groups are now subject of the ethnic identity assimilation destructive processes. Karaites occupy an important place in this, because their language and religion disputes about the origin of the people many years. This uncertainty of self-identification was the cause of our field research. There are some results of the preliminary analysis. I have carried out a case study of ethnic self-identification of the Crimean Karaites. 15 expert interviews with the Karaites in Feodosia, Simferopol, Evpatoria, and 48 focused interviews with residents of 12 cities and rural areas were conducted. Information from experts and ordinary residents of Crimea proves the ambiguity and uncertainty of a significant identity of the Karaites, as well as poor awareness of non-Karaites inhabitants about Karaites neighbors. Experts which claim about their Karaite origin, deny kinship with the Jews. They see themselves as ethnic Turks on the basis of language, which none of the respondent does not own the required extent. They believe Karaism independent religion. Experts who speak Hebrew and Karaite, in contrast to other, recognize such links. We note the significant socio-political diversification and atomization formal public activity the Karaites throughout in the Crimea. Karaites public NGO-organizations compete for budget funds and for the expected state support. Their social activity is not include the Karaites countryside in any way. Our survey of residents in the streets showed that many of them are not aware of the Karaites as a people, or have no idea of them all. Only those who is a neighbor, or a kinship with Karaites know about them. Crimean Karaites have by now almost completely assimilated ethnos. although many Karaites are still an ethnically pure. The socio-political, cultural and religious activities of active representatives Karaites people are not conducive to any ethnic consolidation, preservation, and revival of a small ethnos.

The article states the problem of protecting individuals from discrimination when using neuropsychological methods in the penitentiary system. In the field of ethical reflection in neuroethics, the authors propose to consider not only new opportunities to influence human consciousness and mental health, which are used in modern neuroscience, but also to include methods that have a rather long history. The penitentiary system was chosen as an object of study, which makes it possible to weigh the regulatory capabilities of neuroethics in the special conditions of a priori coercion and involuntary position. The paper considers the action of principles of respect for the dignity of the individual, voluntariness in the expression of consent to participate in psychodiagnostic and psycho-correction activities. The question of expressing informed consent for neuropsychic effects is by analogy considered with biomedical intervention. The authors describe the experience of applying neuropsychological methods on the examples of using a polygraph (a lie detector) and neuro-linguistic programming. The study shows that the polygraph is widely used not only in investigative and judicial practice, but also in diagnostics when people are applying for a job, moving to a higher (or different) position at work, entering educational institutions of the penal service. The authors highlight the idea that in the situation where the client is dependent on a psychologist, in order to undergo the procedure the problem of the voluntary expression of consent should be solved in accordance with the principle of vulnerability. It is stressed, that for the members of vulnerable groups, it is obligatory to use the rules, which take into account the specifics of their situation. Despite the improvement of the process of lie detection using a polygraph, there is no confidence in the accuracy and reliability of the data obtained. However, the results can be interpreted to the detriment of the individual, like the results of other methods of psychodiagnostic research, in the absence of proper ethical principles. Neuro-linguistic programming allows collecting of data on subconscious motives and having a targeted impact on a person. When using this method, there is also the problem of expressing informed consent, taking into account the specifics of the penitentiary institutions. A person may not fully realize the results of neuro-linguistic programming. The general trend in Russia is expanding the use of NLP and polygraph methods, which indicates a desire to acquire neuropsychological tools that will quickly achieve a visible result, without much concern about the ethics of getting the information, its reliability, and long duration. The authors have come to the conclusion that the focus on humanization of the penitentiary system in Russia with the help of the psychological service gives positive results. However, there is a danger of using methods of psychodiagnostics and psychocorrection for manipulative and ethically questionable purposes, which leads to a loss of confidence in them.

In this article, the analysis of the age identity is used as a method to indicate the change in the relationships between generations in modern Japan. The age identity is understood as an element of the level model of the identity developed by the author. Perceiving the age identity as a level within which a person, belonging to a certain age, shares or does not share the values and attitudes of his/her generation, and based on the understanding that values and attitudes can change following the time trends, which are especially noticeable in a modern, dynamically changing world, the author analyzes this level and comes to the conclusion whether the values and attitudes of young, elderly and middle-aged people in modern Japan are similar. The socio-philosophical aspect is manifested in the fact that in this study the age level of identity is considered not in a psychological manner, which is quite typical for research of this level, but in terms of the impact, these changes in the consciousness and perception of the world among representatives of different generations have on the society. Characteristics of modern Japanese society are depopulation of the aging society, a decrease in the birth rate and changes in the labor market. The economic difficulties: difficulties with getting a secure job and low income levels lead to the fact that the Japanese start their families later or do not marry at all, and thus the family institution is being transformed. The changes in the family institution are also affected by changes on the gender level, as more and more women want or are forced to work after getting married and birth of children, and government supports them. Norms and values of the older people comply with the traditional understanding of marriage, children and work. However, the socio-economic realities of the modern world determine the change in norms and values for the middle-aged and young people. And this change does not create an acute conflict of generations, due to the continuing traditionalism and conservatism of the Japanese society.

The paper discusses the most general social, philosophical and macrosociological ideas of Marxism. Marx and Engels used several arguments for their thesis on the socio-economic character of the "basis" when referring policy, state and entire spiritual and cultural sphere to the "superstructure". Each of these arguments is partly right but mainly misleading. The importance of material production for social processes and historical dynamics is not denied, but along with this factor there are always others, no less, and sometimes more powerful ones. Dühring argued rather naively in favor of his thesis of the primacy of power and violence. The Engels's counter-arguments are smart and sometimes sophisticated but should be revised. The analysis of social relations implicitly hidden in ‘property’ shows the fundamental nature of not only order, power and violence relations that reinforce property, but also the importance of normative cultural patterns and psychological attitudes. Technological progress loses the status of the main driver of historical dynamics and social evolution, it remains a very important factor, but only among other no less significant drivers of change. Social revolutions quite often eliminate the political forms that have become inadequate, but they are by no means the only, or the main, factors of such changes. The state is not at all an "instrument" of the class of exploiters (feudal lords, capitalists). The state and the state class (officials) are almost always an independent subject with their own interests, world vision, and resources. Marxism is firmly associated with the struggle for social justice, against class inequality, against the exploitation of man by man, against enslavement. As far as people continue to strive to improve their social status, class polarization, this or that measure of exploitation, social injustice always take place, and break through all attempts at restrictions and equalization. This means the inescapability of the demand for justice, which nourishes and will always nourish the high posthumous reputation of Marx, the emergence of more and more devotees of Marxism.