Ideas and Ideals

The problem of the formation of civil society is relevant in the post-Soviet space for nearly thirty years. Formation and foundation of a civil society is a fairly long-term historical process, conditioned by certain economic, political, legal and sociocultural factors. Emphasizing that the formation of the economic and political and legal foundation of a civil society is of paramount importance, the author believes that the creation of socio-cultural conditions and the prerequisites of civil society is not less important, and represents a process that is considerably complex and time-consuming. One of the most important socio-cultural components of a civil society is civil culture, which is a subsystem of a complex integrated system of culture. The author notes that the basic elements of civil culture are legal, political and ecological culture. Using the data from sociological research, the author studies the state of civil culture in Kyrgyzstan and comes to the conclusion about the low level of general and civic culture of individuals and society as a whole, the lack of self-reliance and independence of civil institutions, the lack of mutual consent and trust in society. This hinders the process of the formation of civil society. In this regard, the need to use the historical experience of the political, legal and ecological culture of the traditional Kyrgyz society, which relied primarily on morality and integrity, is actualized. The author notes that the peculiarities of the existence of nomads living in extremely difficult natural conditions contain a considerable potential and resources for effective regulation and coordination of collective interconnections in society and in nature, which seems to be quite important for the formation of civil society. At the same time, it is noted that there is a need for a dialectical approach to the problem of the formation of a civic culture that involves the denial of negative manifestations of the past culture while preserving everything positive and conducive to the progressive development of the society.

The paper examines the perception and designation of political terms in China in the first third of the twentieth century. It mainly focuses on the interpretation of the terms “democracy” (power of people), “freedom”, and “nation” in the understanding of the Great Chinese revolutionary Sun Yat-sen. Almost in all languages, the term “nation” means a certain union of people (sometimes the word has a specific meaning, as in the case of demos, sometimes an abstract one, as in the Russian language). However, at the same time, etymologically it is not associated with the word “man”. “Nation” is a certain, rather multiple abstraction, not associated with a specific unit “a person” although formally implies a person in the plural. In Chinese, it looks different. Therefore, the etymological context of political terminology in Chinese reality is very important. The term “democracy” (power of people) in Chinese has also an ambiguous origin; there were several designations and variants of writing, which had a number of distinctive features, all of them were in active use from the middle of the XIX century, and sometimes even the meanings of those variants opposed each other. As a result, Sun Yat-sen suggested his understanding of democracy as an opportunity to manage any united or organized group of people, basing on strength and power, to achieve the state’s freedom, with the obligatory sacrifice of individual freedom, but with the political equality for the nation. Mao Zedong proposed the theory of a “new democracy” which was a new stage in the development of Marxism, containing the most important provisions of Marxist theory. The new interpretation of the Marxist theory as a new stage in the development of Marxism was substantiated by the need of its “Sinification”. But in essence, it was not just about “Sinification” of Marxism (adaptation of Marx's general theory to the concrete conditions of China), but about the creation of “Chinese Marxism”, developed as the theoretical tool of leadership in anti-imperialist, anti-feudal revolutions in colonial and dependent countries. Chiang Kai-shek, not without reason, considered himself the follower of Sun Yat-sen’s cause, however, he partly opposed the ideological democracy credo (power of people) of the founder of the Kuomintang, he also denied the possibility of implementing democratic principles in China until the 1950s. Following Sun Yat-sen, Chiang Kai-shek paid particular attention to the role of the state, opposing the interests of an individual and the state. Thus, the ideas put forward by Sun Yat-sen continue having a significant impact on the development of China's political theory and practice in the subsequent period of time. Of course, SunYat-sen's ideas are not always taken with approval, but even when his ideas are criticized, nevertheless, the ideological concept of his theory remains the basis for the subsequent revolutionaries of China.

This article is devoted to the problem of formation and perception of the "enemy perception pattern" and, in broader frame, of national stereotypes as they are (basing on the example of relations between Japan and Russia). The author explores the process of forming of a cultural stereotype in relation to Japan and the Japanese and notes its duality. By the middle of the XIX century, the perceptory stereotype of the Japanese as "fierce Asians" had developed, but also the idea of them as hardworking, educated, modest, polite, intelligent, etc. people (thanks to the notes of Captain V.M. Golovnin). Further contacts between Japan and Russia (the Treaty of Shimoda signification, the Russian consulate in Hakodate foundation, etc.) made the image of Japan in Russia even more ambiguous. Japan appeared in the eyes of Russian society as a beautiful, "fairy land of samurai and geisha" with an industrious, intelligent and educated people, and simultaneously as an underdeveloped, archaic country with curious customs and traditions (and the Japanese - as narrow-minded, hypocritical and cowardly people). The change in the geopolitical situation in the early 20th century led to an active preparation for war on both sides, accompanied by massive propaganda aimed at creating an "enemy perception pattern" The author examines the issues on the basis of which the "pattern of the enemy" was formed on the eve of and during the Japanese-Russian War of 1904-1905, what was perceived from this pattern  and why, as well as under the influence of what factors this pattern was transformed, including the question of kind of transformation that Japan perception pattern underwent in the Russian media. Attention is drawn to the fact that the key to the formation of the "enemy pattern" against the Japanese was the exaggeration of the Japanese representation as "Asians", pagans, savages on the one hand, and the theme of "yellow danger" on the other. However, despite all the efforts of the authorities and propaganda, both the perception of the Japanese in Russia and the perception of the Russians in Japan were not unambiguously negative and hostile. In the course of the direct collision of the sides, the mutual "pattern of the enemy" underwent a significant transformation (especially the perception of the enemy army and navy), and the enemy was treated with respect and even admiration. By the end of the war, the main enemy for Russian society was not the Japanese, but the Russian autocracy. Finally, the author examines the question of the post-war perception of the Japanese in Russian society and the "limits of rigidity" of national stereotypes. It is noted that the idea of the Japanese as barbarians of lower race has been removed from the cultural stereotype, but the idea of a "yellow danger" (largely due to the position of the authorities in inciting spy mania and xenophobia towards the Japanese) has been preserved. At the same time, Russian society retained sympathy for the Japanese, especially in the Far Eastern regions

  The article considers social and socio-psychological prerequisites of Eurasianism coming on the stage. Eurasianism emerged in the early twenties of the last century as an ideology and a political movement. But its social origin dates back to the earlier period. Eurasianism is a consequence of the world war and the revolutionary situation. The active participation of Caucasian and Asian peoples of the Russian Empire as well as some features of the revolutionary everyday routine formed a part of the Russian intelligentsia`s perception of the revolution as the Eurasian matter. This was facilitated by the complex nature of the Russian identity which comprised two hearts of the Russian peoples – European and Asian. The specificity of the Eurasian perception of the revolution was the reassessment of the European and Asian components of the Russian identity. In the Russian public consciousness of the nineteenth century the Asian component was perceived negatively, but the European one - positively. A group of writers and poets, who in 1917 and 1918 called themselves “The Scythians”, under the influence of Nietzsche and Vladimir Solovyev and under the influence of tragic experience of the First World War, re-evaluated the two components of the Russian identity. The result of this re-evaluation was the birth of a Eurasian myth as an artistic reflection of the experience of the world war and the revolution. This myth was used as the basis for the creation of Eurasian ideology by a group of Russian emigrant scholars.

The article is devoted to the problems and prospects of functioning of the Lusatian Serbs traditional culture at the present stage. On the basis of official documents and interviews with native speakers, the author examines the influence of assimilation processes on cultural identity as well as the possibilities of preserving and developing the Serbian culture. The main problems are identified: economic, political, linguistic and interethnic, which impede the full existence of the Lusatian Serbs culture. The author gives the assessment of its development potential and makes the conclusion about the significant role of the young generation in preserving the traditions and reviving the native language. She also emphasizes the role of folk art culture in the mechanism of storage and transmission of traditions.

The article analyzes the legal status of Canadian Indians highlighting its ethnocultural peculiarities. Canada is the first country in the world that ensured the legal status of Indians on the Constitutional level. The Aboriginal rights movement, rooted in the 1970s, greatly encouraged the adoption of the new policy towards Indian population. It should be mentioned that vast majority of Aboriginal people didn’t assimilate into Euro-Canadian society; thus, they still maintain a traditional indigenous lifestyle. Nowadays, all the Indians in Canada are divided into two legal categories: status and non-status Indians. Status Indians proved their Aboriginal origins; they are eligible for registration under the Indian Act, which provides a number of special rights and social benefits including the right to live in reservations. Non-status Indians are not registered with the federal government, so they are deprived of a range of rights available for status Indians. Indians residing on a reserve share unique cultures, identities, languages, and views of self-government, education, healthcare and tax systems.

The history of Koreans living in CIS countries shows the unity of regular processes of transformation of their culture in different periods of residence in the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union and today the CIS. The author distinguishes three main stages of the history of CIS Koreans, in accordance with the main areas of their residence in different historical periods. The current stage is characterized by the final formation of the Eurasian community of Koreans, scattered all over the CIS space. At the same time they preserve the unified cultural markers, as well as common historical memory. Eurasian identity implies prevalence of supranational factor over the national one in ethno-cultural identity. In the case with the CIS Koreans the national factor isn’t the cornerstone of their life activities, that is reflected, for example, in their position not to insist on the forming of national regions or creating other territories on the national basis. The article deals with the process of transforming the culture of CIS Koreans, the impact of important historical events on the loss of elements of their traditional culture. Today, in the context of the Eurasian reintegration processes in the post-Soviet space the developing a new concept of a supranational identity is becoming urgent. This concept would be able to fully reflect the current processes. CIS Koreans are an example of the formation of the Eurasian identity.

Modern visual culture gives a wide variety of opportunities to represent values, characters, stories and images reflecting cultural diversity of the world and at the same time it is obligatory for the subject of communication to be tolerant, willing to participate in the dialogue, open to the perception of experience and appraisals of others. The authors consider issues of intercultural competence formation by means of animation. Special attention is paid to the animation as a part of modern visual culture. The article states that animation can form and develop cross-cultural competence. The authors define cross-cultural competence as a phenomenon actualized in the context of intensification of intercultural contacts in a globalizing society. Animation is a part of the modern visual culture providing various means for intercultural competence formation. Analyzing historiography data the authors consider the methods of portraying the ethnic element in animation as well as ethno-cultural values. The article presents the results of the conducted study of interpretations (made by high school students) of the animated images from other cultures, as well as their opinions on the ways of understanding other cultures in the context of intercultural dialogue and creativity. The authors point out the factors forming intercultural competence of high school students living in big cities and share the opinions of students (taken from their essays) on the opportunity of intercultural dialogue aiming at understanding people of other cultures.

The article aims to identify the details of the internal structure of the Russian civilization in the aggregate of its constituent elements: the East Slavic, the Finno-Ugric, the Turkic-Mongol, etc. We correlated the analysis of provisions of the civilizational and geopolitical concepts with the specific character of historical experience of the development of Russia as a local civilization. The author highlights three stages of understanding the ethnic diversity role in the development of the Russian civilization: 1) Pre-Eurasian (1703-1907), 2) Eurasian (1907-1968), 3) Post-Eurasian, or contemporary. The article reveals the structural-genetic role of ethnic diversity in the development of the Russian civilization. The development of civilizational processes is connected to the qualitative complication of civilizational self-organization mechanisms. It implies transition from civilizational symbiosis to synthesis, which is accompanied by strengthening economic ties among ethnic groups, and transformation of less developed economies into more developed ones (preserving mixed economy). We propose the model of civilizational synthesis in which the ethnoses are "structural elements", stable interethnic interactions are "connections", and civilization itself is "substance". Two stages of genesis of the Russian civilization are highlighted: 1) Slavic-Finno-Ugric symbiosis under the political dominant of the eastern Slavs (pre- and early- civilizational stage, VIII-XV centuries); 2) Synthesis of two compounds, Eastern-European (Slavic-Finno-Ugric) and Turkic-Mongol (nomadic) under demographic, political, and cultural domination of Russians (XVI-XX centuries).