Ideas and Ideals

The research is devoted to the topic of patriotic education of students. Its purpose is to identify interpretations related to the concepts of “Russia” and “Motherland’’ among representatives of the younger generation. Paper presents the results of a study in which students represented this concepts using metaphorical maps and verbal descriptions. These concepts are considered in the study as individual ideas linked to culture that can be expressed visually and verbally. Methods from the cultural-historical school and a phenomenological approach were used for the study, while connections to the larger social context were established using world-systems analysis.

The study was conducted with a group of fi rst-year students during a class on the subject “Fundamentals of Russian Statehood”. Students created metaphorical maps demonstrating their understanding of “Russia” and “Homeland” and explained their work orally to the audience.

The analysis yielded 11 semantic groups, in which images and words revealed different aspects of these concepts. These groups refl ect different aspects of human life, leading to the conclusion that the concepts of “Russia” and “Homeland” are complex and simultaneously encompass different ideas.

It was found that the content of these concepts can be divided into two parts. On the one hand, there are ideas of state power, culture, and the country’s strength; on the other, there are personal, intimate images associated with home and family. Both are important for understanding these concepts. However, the textbook on the subject primarily focuses only on state and cultural aspects, barely touching on personal experiences.

These findings help us understand how the younger generation perceives Russia’s ideological turn toward conservatism. The values of stability and tradition, which are essential to conservative ideology, are reflected in national symbols and positive stereotypes about the country. Young people see Russia’s identity in both the strength and valor of the state and in simple, everyday things – family, home, and personal experience. According to students, personal experiences and everyday life are most important to them now.

The conclusion is that addressing these concepts through personal experience in the educational process can help young people better feel part of society and develop a sense of shared solidarity.

This article is based on a discussion that took place at the conference “Russia’s Civilizational Identity: The Search for a New Model of Self-Description”. Organized by the Izborsk Club in December 2024, it focused on current issues in understanding Russia’s civilizational identity and its future. The author highlights the problematic issues of the topic under discussion, assesses the current situation in the sphere of civilizational discourse as a ‘passion for civilization’, as it often addresses scientific and political issues related to civilizational themes in a superficial and insufficiently rigorous manner, including the offi cial proclamation of Russia as a civilizational state. He argues that equating Russian civilization (the Russian Federation) with Russian civilization (ethnicity), the Russian world, and the Russian canon is unjustified, as this could provoke xenophobia, exacerbate interethnic relations, and simultaneously fuel Russian chauvinism and nationalism among representatives of non-Russian peoples. This attitude is directed against the Russians themselves, as it essentially denies their own ethnocultural distinctiveness as a distinct people, alongside other peoples of the country. The author defends the position that Russia is not (or simply is not) a statecivilization, but a Eurasian civilization. He understands Eurasianism not only as a scientific concept or political doctrine, but also as a sociocultural type with a distinct system of ethnosocial interactions and value orientations of the peoples comprising it.

He concludes that the success of the discussion and practical implementation of the officially declared shift in Russia’s civilizational choice will largely depend on the extent to which these changes are connected and correspond to the actual lifestyle, perceptions, interests, and values of the population. This shift can also be realized only if the entire political system is aligned with the fundamental sociocultural foundations of Russia’s development. Otherwise, the discursive civilizational shift proclaimed at the state level will remain empty words, a fantasy, a wishful thinking, or a political ploy.

This article is based on a discussion that took place at the conference “Russia’s Civilizational Identity: The Search for a New Model of Self-Description”. Organized by the Izborsk Club in December 2024, it focused on current issues in understanding Russia’s civilizational identity and its future. The author highlights the problematic issues of the topic under discussion, assesses the current situation in the sphere of civilizational discourse as a ‘passion for civilization’, as it often addresses scientific and political issues related to civilizational themes in a superficial and insufficiently rigorous manner, including the offi cial proclamation of Russia as a civilizational state. He argues that equating Russian civilization (the Russian Federation) with Russian civilization (ethnicity), the Russian world, and the Russian canon is unjustified, as this could provoke xenophobia, exacerbate interethnic relations, and simultaneously fuel Russian chauvinism and nationalism among representatives of non-Russian peoples. This attitude is directed against the Russians themselves, as it essentially denies their own ethnocultural distinctiveness as a distinct people, alongside other peoples of the country. The author defends the position that Russia is not (or simply is not) a statecivilization, but a Eurasian civilization. He understands Eurasianism not only as a scientific concept or political doctrine, but also as a sociocultural type with a distinct system of ethnosocial interactions and value orientations of the peoples comprising it.

He concludes that the success of the discussion and practical implementation of the officially declared shift in Russia’s civilizational choice will largely depend on the extent to which these changes are connected and correspond to the actual lifestyle, perceptions, interests, and values of the population. This shift can also be realized only if the entire political system is aligned with the fundamental sociocultural foundations of Russia’s development. Otherwise, the discursive civilizational shift proclaimed at the state level will remain empty words, a fantasy, a wishful thinking, or a political ploy.

The article presents the results of a search for an answer to the question of how educational events in higher education affect a student’s worldview attitudes, value-normative foundations, and belief system. It notes the vagueness of the theoretical and methodological framework of the educational technology under discussion, the signifi cant lead of practice over theory, and a reliance on pedagogical intuition. Nevertheless, pedagogical thought clearly identifi es the essential characteristics of an educational event. The content of any educational event can be described in the language of meanings and values. This means that the technology works effectively in matters of transforming worldviews at both individualistic and collectivistic levels. It is noted that educational events fi t organically into the model of transformative learning. Personal participation, the ‘inclusion’ of the student in the subject of knowledge expands boundaries of the worldview, develops a general culture of self-improvement. It is proposed to initiate not only educational events that implicitly contain an exit to the worldview level, but also those specifi cally aimed at solving pressing worldview issues. In conclusion, the general rules of the algorithm for preparing and holding an educational event are defi ned. The question is raised about the formation of a common educational-event fi eld of the university, designed in relay logic and assuming end-to-end support for the student throughout his entire learning path.

Contemporary economists dedicate their attention to progress, establishing the rate of economic growth – the volume of output per capita in real terms – as the primary
indicator for evaluation. To this day, the perception of culture’s economic role within the scientifi c community remains ambivalent. On the one hand, the objective
of the real economy – to improve the quality of life based on the understanding of the essence and quantitative assessments of economic processes – presupposes the
infl uence of prevalent values on the choices of economic agents. On the other hand, the values that form the foundation of culture do not infl uence events by themselves;
they operate in conjunction with formal and informal institutions and they are dependent on the preceding development path, and, fi nally, are closely intertwined with the material and technological environment of economic activity. To date, no methodological toolkit has been proposed to prove the defi nitive infl uence of culture on specifi c outcomes of economic activity. Consequently, analyzing the link between culture and economic development represents a vast fi eld of opportunity for scholars nowadays. It requires separate study of a multitude of diverse cultural practices to assess their impact on economic behavior and fi nancial outcomes. This paper proposes a set of scientifi c problems and methodological approaches for analyzing the interrelationship between economy and culture, offering broad opportunities for researchers. 

The authors substantiate the role of media as the most important instrument of state information policy for preserving the historical memory of Russians. Based on the analysis of conceptual, doctrinal and strategic documents, the paper shows the growing hostility of the United States and Western European countries towards Russian foreign policy, culture, and domestic spiritual and moral values. Based on an analysis of media content and methods of participant and non-participant observation, the authors assess the role of modern domestic media in countering the attempts of unfriendly states to distort world history and belittle the role and signifi cance of Russia in its most important events. Signifi cant emphasis is placed on the need to counter Western historical policies of falsifying the history of the Second World War and belittling the role of Russia in the liberation of the peoples of Europe and the Soviet Union from the Nazi invaders. The authors’ recommendations and proposals are given to increase the role and effectiveness of the media in the formation and preservation of historical memory among younger generations of Russians.

The purpose of the work is to study the signifi cant value orientations of the Russian youth. The article substantiates the idea that the system of personal value orientations is mobile. It is formed due to the inner aspirations of the individual. It’s proved that this property of value orientations makes it possible to shape young people in the direction of a harmonious and aspiring personality. Value orientations are infl uenced by both internal and external conditions. In this regard, it’s important to create such external conditions that will positively infl uence the formation of personal, social, and universal value orientations of young people. The article presents the results of an empirical study aimed at identifying relevant values and orientations for students. It’s empirically proven that both traditional values such as life, health, family, friendship, love, and modernist values such as fi nancial security, career and professional growth, education, as well as postmodern values such as recreation and entertainment are important for young people. Young people associate the successful development of Russia with science and education, mining, the digital economy and healthcare. The youth consider the XXII Winter Olympic Games in Sochi, the annexation of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol to Russia, and the World Cup to be the most signifi cant events that arouse pride. An event such as the construction of the Crimean Bridge is of close importance. Political events are less celebrated by young people.